Pfizer hired 600 employees in the months after its COVID-19 vaccine received emergency use authorization in the United States due to the “large increase” of reports of side effects linked to the vaccine, according to a recently released company document. The FDA is required to release a certain number of vaccine-related Pfizer documents each month as the result of a February court ruling.
Pfizer has “taken multiple actions to help alleviate the large increase of adverse event reports,” according to the unredacted document. “This includes significant technology enhancements, and process and workflow solutions, as well as increasing the number of data entry and case processing colleagues.”
According to the document, Pfizer had recorded 42,086 case reports (25,379 medically confirmed and 16,707 non-medically confirmed) across 158,893 events as of February 28, 2021. When breaking this figure down further, Pfizer recorded 1,403 cardiovascular Adverse Events of Special Interest (AESIs), amounting to 3.3% of the adverse events data set. The full unredacted document contains information on all recorded AESIs that were recorded as of its creation last year.
The analysis of adverse event reports was previously disclosed to the health transparency group, but certain portions were redacted. Among the redacted information was the number of workers Pfizer hired in order to deal with the increase adverse event reports.
“We asked that the redactions on page 6 of this report be lifted and the FDA agreed without providing an explanation,” Aaron Siri, a lawyer representing the plaintiffs, told The Epoch Times in a statement. The redactions had been made under (b) (4) of the Freedom of Information Act, which lets agencies “withhold trade secrets and commercial or financial information obtained from a person which is privileged or confidential.”
The Pfizer document further revealed that approximately 126,212,580 doses of the Pfizer BioNTech vaccine had been shipped worldwide as of last February, though it is unclear how many of those doses had been administered. Prior to the court order, the FDA wanted to keep the documents sealed for at least 55 years.
One of the reasons the 1st Amendment gives protection to the free press is because they are supposed to be one of the most important checks against a tyrannical government. Independence and protection for journalists can be argued as one of the biggest reasons the United States has flourished for a quarter millenium.
Project Veritas has been targeted by our government on multiple occasions they do not abide by the standing orders given to journalists that they must be supportive of progressive ideologies. While most major news outlets pander to the left willingly, offering cover for corrupt Democrats while seeking dirt on conservatives, Project Veritas has taken a stand for the truth. It’s no secret that they expose leftists more than conservatives, but that’s only because the field is wide open; none of the other investigative journalist groups or “fact-checkers” even attempt to expose corruption from the left.
The latest bombshell report from Project Veritas exposes Joe Biden’s Department of Justice and others colluding to deprive private citizens of their Constitutional rights, including several people with Project Veritas itself. Watch:
Microsoft Corporation legal documents obtained by Project Veritas show that after a U.S. District Court Judge rejected the DOJ’s argument to ignore Project Veritas’ “journalistic privileges,” the DOJ went behind the judge’s back to obtain an extension on two sealed non-disclosure orders from a magistrate judge to conceal the fact they already had unsupervised and unfettered access to privileged emails and contacts of eight Project Veritas journalists.
Judge Torres had ruled that prosecutors must operate under the supervision of a Special Master to ensure first amendment protections are upheld for Project Veritas journalists and their source material.
These documents reveal that the government not only ignored that order, but also attempted to hide the fact they had obtained emails for time periods far outside the scope of the investigation.
[NEW YORK – Mar. 21, 2022] Bombshell Microsoft Corporation legal documents released by Project Veritas reveal that President Biden’s Department of Justice filed a series of secret warrants, orders, and a subpoena to surreptitiously collect privileged, and constitutionally protected, communications and contacts of eight Project Veritas journalists from Microsoft Corporation.
The Department of Justice then muzzled Microsoft from disclosing these orders via a series of secrecy orders signed by magistrates.
The documents further reveal the DOJ then went behind U.S. District Court Judge, Analisa Torres’, back to obtain extensions on the gag-orders on Microsoft from magistrate judges after Judge Torres ruled Project Veritas was entitled to “journalistic privileges.”
Despite multiple opportunities to do so, the DOJ has not publicly disclosed the orders, warrants, or subpoenas to Judge Torres or Special Master Judge Barbara Jones – who was appointed by Judge Torres to protect Veritas’ “journalistic privileges” from potential DOJ overreach. Judge Torres ruled that the DOJ’s investigation must be overseen by Judge Jones and ordered the DOJ not to review any materials seized from Project Veritas without Judge Jones’ approval.
The DOJ has not sought Judge Jones’ approval to review Project Veritas’ materials seized from Microsoft.
The documents uncover a sixteen-month clandestine campaign against journalists in which the DOJ obtained 7 secret orders, warrants and subpoenas from six magistrates within the Southern District of New York.
Paul Calli, an attorney for Project Veritas, fiercely opposed the actions from the DOJ which he called an act of “violence” to the First Amendment.
In a motion filed Tuesday, Calli argued, “By the time [Project Veritas] filed the Motion to Appoint a Special Master, the government already had the opportunity to review Project Veritas’ journalistic and attorney-client privileged materials.” Based on preliminary research data, the SDNY appears to be in possession of nearly 150K documents they should not have. In addition to the emails, the SDNY obtained over one thousand contacts from journalists that they also failed to disclose to Judge Torres or to the Special Master.
Project Veritas’ Motion seeks to require the SDNY to comply with the Special Master order by stopping their review of the surreptitiously obtained emails and disclose other hidden spying campaigns executed against the non-profit’s journalists. The SDNY “has launched a retributive campaign that does violence to the First Amendment,” writes Calli. “While the Special Master litigation proceeded, the government apparently misled the Court by omission, failing to inform it, and failing to inform the aggrieved journalists, that the government had already obtained the contents of privileged emails from Project Veritas’ cloud computing provider.”
The documents reveal a peak into the SDNY’s covert surveillance of American journalists, commenced by Assistant United States Attorney, Robert B. Sobelman.
The surveillance culminated in a search warrant seeking every email sent to or from Project Veritas founder and CEO, James O’Keefe, for a three-month period, along with every contact he had ever saved. By virtue of these orders, the SDNY gained unsupervised and unfettered access to O’Keefe’s emails – including privileged communications with his attorneys and notes to and from O’Keefe’s confidential sources, among other constitutionally protected communications.
The SDNY also managed to convince a rotating cadre of magistrates to give the SDNY unchecked access to seven other journalists’ emails and contacts.
According to an order the DOJ sought to keep secret, to justify obtaining access to journalists’ emails, the Justice Department appears to have argued “there is probable cause to believe the email account(s), maintained at premises controlled by Microsoft Corporation, USA, contain evidence, fruits, and instrumentalities of crime.”
Each order, warrant and subpoena were accompanied by a Non-Disclosure Orders (NDO) which barred Microsoft from disclosing the SDNY’s surveillance for one year, claiming without evidence, that disclosure could lead to destruction of evidence by Project Veritas. Multiple NDOs were set to expire in January, 2022.
On December 8, 2021, however, Judge Torres, over the opposition of the SDNY, granted Project Veritas’ request to appoint a Special Master to supervise the SDNY’s review of materials seized from journalists to protect the news organization’s “journalistic privileges,” among other things.
Judge Torres ordered the SDNY to provide the seized “materials to the Special Master” Judge Barbara Jones who, rather than the SDNY, would “conduct an initial review of the extracted materials,” and rule on “objections” raised by Project Veritas “on any grounds – including on grounds related to any First Amendment concerns, journalistic concerns, and attorney-client privileges.”
Although the SDNY began issuing nearly weekly reports to the Special Master only a few days after Judge Torres’ order, the SDNY has never submitted any report disclosing its surveillance of Project Veritas’ emails to the Special Master, let alone provided the seized emails to the Special Master. The SDNY’s briefings submitted to Judge Torres regarding the Special Master procedure also fail to disclose the SDNY’s covert spying or the voluminous records seized by the SDNY.
When a round of the SDNY’s NDOs requiring the spying to be kept secret began expiring in January 2022, the SDNY, having had their arguments rejected two out of two times by Judge Torres, apparently opted to again keep the surveillance of journalists secret from Judge Torres and instead obtained renewals of those orders from Magistrates who were apparently unaware of Judge Torres’ order.
The SDNY’s final act of secrecy was seeking yet another round of renewals, prompting Microsoft to point out in a scathing un-filed motion that the government’s claims that Project Veritas might destroy evidence if the surveillance were disclosed were unsupportable.
Microsoft pointed out that the DOJ’s investigation was already public and no proof that Project Veritas would destroy evidence had been offered by the SDNY. As a result of Microsoft’s briefing, the SDNY relented and permitted Microsoft to disclose the surveillance, which Microsoft did within hours.
These revelations come on the heels of a trio of FBI raids of Project Veritas journalists, including O’Keefe, during which the SDNY indiscriminately seized 47 devices (including a device belonging to a journalist’s roommate).
The SDNY’s spying campaign represents the latest example of governmental misconduct in a seemingly politically-motivated investigation by President Biden’s Department of Justice into Project Veritas’ news-gathering activities surrounding allegations against then-candidate, Joe Biden, made by his daughter, Ashley Biden, in her diary.
Though Project Veritas ultimately did not publish the allegations in the diary, it attempted to corroborate the allegations by requesting comment from Mr. Biden and his daughter, whose attorney, Roberta Kaplan, reacted by saying, “We should send [the request for comment] to [the] SDNY.” The SDNY appears to have been doing Ms. Biden’s bidding ever since with little to no oversight beyond what appear to be judicial rubber-stamps from magistrates not fully briefed on the matter by the SDNY.
Why the Biden Administration’s Department of Justice sought voluminous amounts of journalists’ emails, including confidential sources and attorney-client privileged data from Microsoft despite vowing a year ago to protect press freedom, is one of many questions the Biden Administration will likely have to answer in the coming days.
Russian accusations of a U.S.-funded and administered ‘biowarfares’ laboratory research program in Ukraine has led to rampant speculation about the nature of these Pentagon-funded laboratories. The Russians’ insistence that it has evidence of such a bioweapons program has become a major hurdle at the diplomatic negotiations between Russia and Ukraine in Belarus.
Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov charged at a press conference last week that “the Pentagon built two biowarfare labs and they have been developing pathogens there in Kyiv and in Odessa.” Lavrov also compared the presence of the laboratories to the United States’ Weapons of Mass Destruction program allegations that led it to invade Iraq in 2003 and topple dictator Saddam Hussein.
Leonid Slutsky, head of the Duma Committee on International Affairs and a member of the Russian delegation at the talks with Ukraine, argued that the purported development of biological weapons components “confirm that the Russian Federation had good reasons for conducting a special military operation to demilitarize Ukraine.”
Major General Igor Konashenkov, an official representative of the Russian Ministry of Defense, charged on Sunday that “components of biological weapons were being developed in Ukraine, in close proximity to Russian territory.”
Amid the Russians’ accusations, the U.S. Embassy in Ukraine has scrubbed a number of documents related to the Ukrainian “Biological Threat Reduction” program.
Those documents have been retrieved and can be read below. The documents show both the locations of the Ukrainian laboratories and the Department of Defense’s listing as a “donor” to the program.
“The Electronic Integrated Disease Surveillance System (EIDSS) is a software system which is designed to strengthen monitoring and prevention of human and animal diseases within the One Health concept, and facilitate compliance of International Health Regulations (IHR) 2005,” the embassy document states.
In 2011 EIDSS was introduced in Ukraine with installations at the following sites:
Central Sanitary-Epidemiology Station in Kyiv (CSES)
Ukrainian Research Anti-Plague Institute in Odessa (URAPI)
Vinnitsa Oblast Sanitary-Epidemiological Station
Vinnitsa City Sanitary- Epidemiological Station
Kalynivska Rayon Sanitary- Epidemiological Station in Vinnitsa Oblast
Zhitomir Oblast Sanitary- Epidemiological Station
Khmelnitska Oblast Sanitary- Epidemiological Station as regional sites
“The main objective of the program is to implement EIDSS at the sites of the State Sanitary-Epidemiological Service of Ukraine for monitoring and outbreak prevention ofdiseases including those caused by Especially Dangerous Pathogens,” the document adds.
The Department of Defense expenditures as listed for select Ukrainian laboratories follow below:
Vinnytsia Oblast Laboratory Center (USD $1,504,840)
Zakarpartska Oblast Laboratory Center (USD $1,920,432)
Institute of Veterinary Medicine of the National Academy of Agrarian Sciences ( USD $2,109,375.23)
The U.S. Embassy in Ukraine explained the operation of the laboratories and accused the Russians of spreading disinformation about their nature in 2020. Watch:
“The biological threat reduction program is working in 27 countries,” the U.S. ambassador to Kazakhstan William Moser said. “We’ve feel this disinformation and misinformation is done just to really exploit divisions.”
“We’ve had accusations that some research projects were being used to create threats, not to identify threats and reduce them,” Dr. Mary Lancaster added. “Ulterior motives are being injected where none exist.”
“We’ve built these capabilities for the partners, their central reference labs for research,” Lance Brooks said. “They publish everything they do. They invite the international community into their laboratories. They’re working on behalf and the benefit of the people of their respective countries.”
Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov, however, has accused the U.S. and Ukraine of a lack of transparency.
“We have data that the Pentagon is preoccupied with the chemical and biological installations in Ukraine,” Lavrov claimed. “The Pentagon built two biowarfare labs and they have been developing pathogens there in Kyiv and in Odessa.”
“And now they are concerned that they may lose control over these labs,” he argued. “And you know what it may be like in future. And the Americans decline flatly and resolutely to start an inspection mechanism as part of the convention for the prohibition of chemical weapons. And they build new chemical and biological facilities all across Russian borders.”
“And, you know, many other developments happen,” Lavrov went on. “The CIA has been on the ground in droves, and they have been training the Ukrainian army, not to wage a war with Poland, apparently. And when developments in Iraq happened, when the United States claimed it was a threat to the U.S. national security, did anyone ask back then why the United States back then decided to bring a country 10,000 kilometers off its coast to order, because the U.S. is a great power?”
“When Russia says there is a threat to us, they start telling us that there is not a threat at all, but you know, we will decide what is needed to provide for our security,” Lavrov stated. “And it’s close and next to our borders, we will not go 10,000 kilometers away to enforce our rules.”
Russia is therefore invoking the United States’ invasion of Iraq in 2003 as a pretext for invading Ukraine. It turned out after the invasion that weapons inspectors could find scant if any evidence that then Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein was maintaining an active Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) program. However, the New York Times reported that Iraq had old stockpiles of WMDs that were discovered by U.S. soldiers.
In May 2020, Lavrov accused the United States “categorically opposing the adoption of a protocol to the convention of banning biological and toxin weapons, which would establish a mechanism to verify compliance by member countries with their obligation not to produce such weapons.”
“The United States’ reluctance to ensure transparency of its military-biological activities in different regions of the world, of course, raises questions about what is really happening and what goals are being pursued,” Lavrov said at a news conference after a virtial meeting with foreign ministers of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).
“These laboratories are densely formed along the perimeter of the borders of the Russian Federation, and, accordingly, next to the borders of the People’s Republic of China,” Lavrov added.
The U.S. Embassy in Ukraine has published information about its “Biological Threat Reduction Program” in Ukraine:
The U.S. Department of Defense’s Biological Threat Reduction Program collaborates with partner countries to counter the threat of outbreaks (deliberate, accidental, or natural) of the world’s most dangerous infectious diseases. The program accomplishes its bio-threat reduction mission through development of a bio-risk management culture; international research partnerships; and partner capacity for enhanced bio-security, bio-safety, and bio-surveillance measures. The Biological Threat Reduction Program’s priorities in Ukraine are to consolidate and secure pathogens and toxins of security concern and to continue to ensure Ukraine can detect and report outbreaks caused by dangerous pathogens before they pose security or stability threats.
Current executive agents of the Biological Threat Reduction Program in Ukraine are the Ministry of Health, the State Service of Ukraine for Food Safety and Consumer Protection, the National Academy of Agrarian Sciences, and the Ministry of Defense.
The fact sheets on the U.S. Embassy in Ukraine website on the following laboratories are cited above.
The U.S. embassy website partly corroborates a ‘viral map’ that purports to show American biological laboratories in Ukraine.
There is no strong evidence of U.S. funded “bioweapons” research in Ukraine. Therefore, there is a strong possibility that this is Russian disinformation. But the U.S. embassy in Ukraine lists biological “threat reduction” laboratories, similar to the ones the U.S. funded in Wuhan. The readers can draw their own conclusions.
The U.S. Food and Drug Administration on Tuesday released a 10,000-page cache of documents pertaining to the Emergency Use Authorization of Pfizer’s COVID vaccine. An initial review shows the documents containing details about animal studies, adverse events experienced by trial participants, the makeup of Pfizer’s internal review committee … and more.
The U.S. Food and Drug Administration on Tuesday released a 10,000-page cache of documents pertaining to the Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) of the Pfizer-BioNTech COVID vaccine.
The documents provide more insights into the FDA’s process for approving the vaccine, and may also shed more light on the safety and efficacy of the vaccines and the number and nature of adverse effects that were observed during the clinical trials and the first months after the EUA was issued.
PHMPT, a group of medical and public health professionals and scientists from Harvard, Yale, UCLA and other institutions, submitted the request in August 2021.
The FOIA request asked for the approximately 400,000 pages of documents pertaining to the approval of the Pfizer COVID vaccine to be made public, including safety and effectiveness data, adverse reaction reports and a list of the vaccine’s active and inactive ingredients.
When the FDA ignored the request, PHMPT sued the agency in September 2021, taking the case to the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas. On Feb. 2, federal judge Mark Pittman issued an order requiring the FDA to release redacted versions of the documents in question according to the following disclosure schedule:
10,000 pages apiece, due on or before March 1 and April 1, 2022.
80,000 pages apiece, to be produced on or before May 2, June 1 and July 1, 2022.
70,000 pages to be produced on or before Aug. 1, 2022.
55,000 pages per month, on or before the first business day of each month thereafter, until the release of the documents has been completed.
The cache of documents made public on March 1, available on PHMPT’s website, represents the first release of such documents following the issuance of Pittman’s order in February.
However, the FDA released smaller sets of documents in November and December 2021 and January 2022, while the legal case was ongoing.
The documents also revealed a nine-page list of adverse events observed during that same period. The list recently was circulated widely on social media and wrongly attributed to the set of documents released March 1.
This may be because the March 1 document release garnered widespread attention among those following the issue, likely delivering traffic to PHMPT’s website, which catalogs all of the documents that have been released thus far.
Major media outlets, however, have not covered the latest release of documents and, as of this writing, there has been only limited coverage by smaller media outlets. That may be due, at least in part, to the vast volume of information and data to sort through.
Endpoints News, a publication focusing on the pharmaceutical industry, published a dismissive article regarding the release of the latest cache of documents.
The publication’s editor, Zachary Brennan, reported the documents contain mundane information that is “typical for any drug or vaccine application” and that “will give readers a good overall sense of the required documentation necessary to apply for a drug or vaccine approval at the FDA.”
Such information includes, according to Brennan, “more than 100 pages worth of anonymous safety-related tables of data” and “unidentified participants’ gender, age and BMI.”
Other documentation pertains to “the standard, nearly $2.9 million user fee payment to FDA from Pfizer” and to “the confidential nonclinical overview for the vaccine,” Brennan said.
Brennan noted some documents included in the cache, such as the fast track designation letter and Pfizer’s request for a waiver from adding a suffix to the vaccine’s name, are “not typically released” to the public.
“As far as I'm concerned, it's a damned shame that a field as potentially dynamic and vital as journalism should be overrun with dullards, bums, and hacks, hag-ridden with myopia, apathy, and complacence, and generally stuck in a bog of stagnant mediocrity.” -Hunter Thompson